Eastern Burushaski/Language

Demonstrative Pronouns

Demonstrative pronoun	human (m or f)	non-human concrete	non-human abstract/amorphous
this	kʰine<prn><dem><prx><sg><mf> ↔ kʰine	guse<prn><dem><sg><clx> ↔ guse	gut̯e <prn><dem><sg><cly> ↔ gut̯e
that	ine<prn><dem><dst><sg><mf> ↔ ine	ise<prn><dem><dst><sg><clx> ↔ ise	it̯e<prn><dem><dst><sg><cly> ↔ it̯e
these	kʰuwe <prn><dem><prx><pl><mf> ↔ kʰuwe	guce<prn><dem><prx><pl><clx> ↔ guce	guke <prn><dem><prx><pl><cly> ↔ guke
those	uwe <prn><dem><dst><pl><mf> ↔ uwe	ice<prn><dem><dst><pl><clx> ↔ ice	ike<prn><dem><dst><pl><cly> ↔ ike

note: <mf> is used for the class of nouns that are human, and can be either male or female, while <clx> is used for non-human concrete and <cly> is used for the non-human abstract/amorphous noun class.

Reduplication

Reduplication is very productive in Burushaski, and can be used in a number of ways.

Partial Reduplication

Partial reduplication is only used in casual conversation. It most often applies to nouns, though Yoshioka claims that it can also be used on phrases and even clauses (p. 169). They are not clear as to the semantics of partial reduplication, and don't give any direct translations of any of their examples. Munshi's examples, on the other hand, have translations, and give a sense of a frequentative/iterative.

• haralt̯ cʰu-cʰur manimi "It drizzled"
  • cʰur "drop"
  • cʰur<n><redp> ↔ cʰu-cʰur
• haralt̯ ča-čar manimi "It rained heavily"
  • čar "pour"
  • čar<n><redp> ↔ ča-čar
• giyaase ǰi-ǰir et̯imi "The baby cried loudly"
  • ǰir "cry"
  • ǰir<n><redp> ↔ ǰi-ǰir
• hilese galt̯ar d̪a-d̪al et̯imi "They boy dragged the tree branch"
  • d̪al "drag"
  • d̪al<n><redp> ↔ d̪a-d̪al
• in d̪a-d̪ar imanimi "He shivered"
  • d̪ar "shake"
  • d̪ar<n><redp> ↔ d̪a-d̪ar

Full Reduplication

Full reduplication is done "without any phonological modification, such as phoneme alternation, vowel lengthening, phoneme augmentation, and so forth." (Yoshioka 2012:166) Yoshioka describes full reduplication as adding emphasis, and reduplicated words of other parts of speech often become adverbs.

Monadic	Reduplicated	Tagged
ǰotišo "small"	ǰotišo-ǰotišo "fairly small"	ǰotišo<adj><redf> ↔ ǰotišo-ǰotišo
thala "slow"	thala-thala "gradually"	thala<adv><redf> ↔ thala-thala
kaa "with"	kaa-kaa "close together"	kaa<adj><redf> ↔ kaa-kaa

Notably, reduplication can also happen across a conjunction

loto "naked"	loto-ke-loto "no cap on head" (lit. "naked and naked")
čʰu "naked"	čʰu-ke-čʰu "bare feet" (lit. "naked and naked")

(wasn't sure how to tag these...)

Verb stems

Burushaski verbs are highly inflected, but verbs stems often have only two forms: a "base stem" for perfective tenses (e.g. simple past, present perfect) and a "derived stem" for imperfective tenses (e.g. future, present progressive) (Munshi in progress: 58). Examples with the verb 'to run' also from Munshi.

• Perfective stem gaarc-
  • u gaarcuman "They ran" (Simple Past)
  • u gaarcam "They had run" (Past Perfect)
• Imperfective stem gaarš-
  • u gaaršuman "They will run" (Future)
  • u gaaršaan "They run" (Present Progressive)
  • u gaaršume baan "They have been running" (Present Perfect Continuous)
  • u gaaršam "They used to run" (Past Progressive)

Causatives

Burushaski can form causatives in three ways, increasing the valence of the verb by one.

• Null derivation (just adding another pronominal prefix)
  • sabrina gučʰamo "Sabrina slept"
    • gučʰa<v><intr><pfct><act><ind><3p><f><sng> ↔ gučʰamo
  • saliime sabrina mogučami "Saleem put Sabrina to sleep"
    • no explanation of the change in aspiration -- may be a typo in source, or related to stress shift
• Lengthening of vowel of object (theme) prefix
  • sabrinaa keek d̪esmanumo "Sabrina made the cake"
  • karime sabrina keek d̪umoosmanimi "Karim caused Sabrina to make the cake"
• Prefix [s] (intransitives only)
  • hiles iwarimi "The boy is tired"
  • ǰaa hiles esparam "I made the boy tired"

"To be" copula forms

DONE UP UNTIL HERE

Present Tense				Past Tense
Singular		Plural		Singular		Plural
Positive	Negative	Positive	Negative	Positive	Negative	Positive	Negative
b<cop><pres><p1><sg> ↔ baa	ap<cop><pres><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apaa	b<cop><pres><p1><pl> ↔ baan	ap<cop><pres><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apaan	b<cop><past><p1><sg> ↔ bayam	ap<cop><past><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apayam	b<cop><past><p1><pl> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apam
b<cop><pres><p2><sg> ↔ baa	ap<cop><pres><p2><sg><neg> ↔ apaa	b<cop><pres><p2><pl> ↔ baan	ap<cop><pres><p2><pl><neg> ↔ apaan	b<cop><past><p2><sg> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p2><sg><neg> ↔ apam	b<cop><past><p2><pl> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p2><pl><neg> ↔ apam
b<cop><pres><p3><sg><m> ↔ bai	ap<cop><pres><p3><sg><m><neg> ↔ apai	b<cop><pres><p3><pl><m> ↔ baan	ap<cop><pres><p3><pl><m><neg> ↔ apaan	b<cop><past><p3><sg><m> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p1><sg><m><neg> ↔ apam	b<cop><past><p1><pl><m> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p3><pl><m><neg> ↔ apam
b<cop><pres><p1><sg> ↔ baa	ap<cop><pres><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apaa	b<cop><pres><p1><pl> ↔ baan	ap<cop><pres><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apaan	b<cop><past><p1><sg> ↔ bayam	ap<cop><past><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apayam	b<cop><past><p1><pl> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apam
b<cop><pres><p1><sg> ↔ baa	ap<cop><pres><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apaa	b<cop><pres><p1><pl> ↔ baan	ap<cop><pres><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apaan	b<cop><past><p1><sg> ↔ bayam	ap<cop><past><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apayam	b<cop><past><p1><pl> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apam
b<cop><pres><p1><sg> ↔ baa	ap<cop><pres><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apaa	b<cop><pres><p1><pl> ↔ baan	ap<cop><pres><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apaan	b<cop><past><p1><sg> ↔ bayam	ap<cop><past><p1><sg><neg> ↔ apayam	b<cop><past><p1><pl> ↔ bam	ap<cop><past><p1><pl><neg> ↔ apam

Write summary of formation rules (see 3.1.2.4, p71 -- underlying form of negative is hypothesized ot be a, but has other unexplained forms)

Obligatory possession

Some nouns in Burushaski always appear with possessive markers. Yoshioka (36) cites Berger (1998a: 44), who says that there are about "150 substantives" in this class. (Yoshioka goes on to give examples that include nouns and prepositions, and it is not clear whether they count as "substantives.") Paradigms of possessed nouns are drawn from Munshi (in progress), because Yoshioka doesn't cite full forms.

Words fall into (at least) two paradigms of prefixes, apparently without semantic or phonological rationale. Yoshioka also identifies a third type of possessed nouns, which they claim only includes 5 nouns, whose prefixes they list are mostly long-vowel versions of the Type-II prefixes. Yoshioka also lists possessive endings for X and Y class words, which Munshi does not cite forms for.

Pronominal prefixes of inherently possessed nouns	Type-I (e.g. -šak 'arm')		Type-II (e.g. -ċo 'same-gender sibling')
	SG	PL	SG	PL
1st	šak<n><typ1><px1sg> ↔ ašak	šak<n><typ1><px1pl> ↔ mišak	ċo<n><typ1><px1sg> ↔ aċo	ċo<n><typ1><px1pl> ↔ meċo
2nd	šak<n><typ1><px2sg> ↔ gušak	šak<n><typ1><px2pl> ↔ mašak	ċo<n><typ1><px2sg> ↔ goċo	ċo<n><typ1><px2pl> ↔ maċo
3rd (male)	šak<n><typ1><px3sgm> ↔ išak	šak<n><typ1><px3pl> ↔ ušak	ċo<n><typ1><px3sgm> ↔ eċo	xakin<n><typ1><px3pl> ↔ oċo
3rd (female)	šak<n><typ1><px3sgm> ↔ mušak		ċo<n><typ1><px3sgm> ↔ moċo

Numerals

Numerals are inflected for noun class (human, X, Y). For 1-3, there is a distinction between all three, but for 4-10, human and X class numerals are homophonous.

Numerals	Human (M&F)	X	Y
1	hin<num><mf> ↔ hin	hin<num><clx> ↔ han	hin<num><cly> ↔ hik
2	alt̯an<num><mf> ↔ alt̯an	alt̯an<num><clx> ↔ alt̯a	alt̯an<num><cly> ↔ alt̯o
3	isken<num><mf> ↔ isken	isken<num><clx> ↔ usko	isken<num><cly> ↔ iski
4	walt̯o<num><mfclx> ↔ walt̯o		walt̯o<num><cly> ↔ walt̯i
5	cʰund̪o<num><mfclx> ↔ cʰund̪o		cʰund̪o<num><cly> ↔ cʰind̪i
6	mišind̪o<num><mfclx> ↔ mišind̪o		mišind̪o<num><cly> ↔ mišind̪i
7	t̯ʰalo<num><mfclx> ↔ t̯ʰalo		t̯ʰalo<num><cly> ↔ t̯ʰale
8	alt̯ambo<num><mfclx> ↔ alt̯ambo		alt̯ambo<num><cly> ↔ alt̯ambi
9	hunčo<num><mfclx> ↔ hunčo		hunčo<num><cly> ↔ hunti
10	t̯oorumo<num><mfclx> ↔ t̯oorumo		t̯oorumo<num><cly> ↔ t̯oorimi

(talk about above 10)