Difference between revisions of "Purépecha/grammar"
Line 10: | Line 10: | ||
wari<n><sg> (woman) | wari<n><sg> (woman) | ||
+ | |||
kurú<n><sg> (fish) | kurú<n><sg> (fish) | ||
+ | |||
anátapu<n><sg> (tree) | anátapu<n><sg> (tree) | ||
Line 17: | Line 19: | ||
wari<n><pl> ↔ wariecha (women) | wari<n><pl> ↔ wariecha (women) | ||
+ | |||
kurú<n><pl> ↔ kurūcha (fishes) | kurú<n><pl> ↔ kurūcha (fishes) | ||
+ | |||
anátapu<n><pl> ↔ anátapuicha (trees) | anátapu<n><pl> ↔ anátapuicha (trees) | ||
Line 25: | Line 29: | ||
ganádu<n><pl><obj> ↔ ganáduni (cattle) | ganádu<n><pl><obj> ↔ ganáduni (cattle) | ||
+ | |||
kurú<n><pl><obj> ↔ kurúchani (fish) | kurú<n><pl><obj> ↔ kurúchani (fish) | ||
+ | |||
yurhíri<n><sg><obj> ↔ yurhírini (blood) | yurhíri<n><sg><obj> ↔ yurhírini (blood) | ||
Line 46: | Line 52: | ||
pire<inf> (to sing) | pire<inf> (to sing) | ||
+ | |||
pire<n><sg> ↔ pirekwa (song) | pire<n><sg> ↔ pirekwa (song) | ||
+ | |||
pire<n><sg> ↔ pireri (singer) | pire<n><sg> ↔ pireri (singer) | ||
Line 54: | Line 62: | ||
yontki wanta-na-xïn-an-ti juchari anapu | yontki wanta-na-xïn-an-ti juchari anapu | ||
+ | |||
before speak-PASS-HAB-PST-3.ASS 1PL.POSS language | before speak-PASS-HAB-PST-3.ASS 1PL.POSS language | ||
+ | |||
'Before, our language was spoken.' | 'Before, our language was spoken.' | ||
ximpóka xuchá/María t’iré-s-p-ka ya | ximpóka xuchá/María t’iré-s-p-ka ya | ||
+ | |||
because 1pl/Maria eat-prf-pst-sbjv already | because 1pl/Maria eat-prf-pst-sbjv already | ||
+ | |||
‘ . . . because we have already eaten/Maria has already eaten.’ | ‘ . . . because we have already eaten/Maria has already eaten.’ | ||
éka t’ú/tumpí-icha xanó-∅-p-ka ya | éka t’ú/tumpí-icha xanó-∅-p-ka ya | ||
+ | |||
when 2sg/boy-pl arrive-prf-pst-sbjv already | when 2sg/boy-pl arrive-prf-pst-sbjv already | ||
+ | |||
‘ . . . when you had already arrived/the boys had already arrived.’ | ‘ . . . when you had already arrived/the boys had already arrived.’ | ||
Line 68: | Line 82: | ||
ni-a-ti go-IRR-3SG (He will go) | ni-a-ti go-IRR-3SG (He will go) | ||
+ | |||
ni<v><irr><p3><sg> ↔ niati | ni<v><irr><p3><sg> ↔ niati | ||
ewa-a-a-ka remove-3PL.O-IRR-1/2.ASS ('I will remove them.') | ewa-a-a-ka remove-3PL.O-IRR-1/2.ASS ('I will remove them.') | ||
+ | |||
ewa<v><3PL.O><irr><ass><p1><sg> ↔ ewaaaka | ewa<v><3PL.O><irr><ass><p1><sg> ↔ ewaaaka | ||
Line 91: | Line 107: | ||
Atá-s-Ø-ka <nowiki>strike-prf-prs-1/2ind</nowiki> | Atá-s-Ø-ka <nowiki>strike-prf-prs-1/2ind</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p1> ↔ Atáska | Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p1> ↔ Atáska | ||
+ | |||
Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p2> ↔ Atáska | Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p2> ↔ Atáska | ||
+ | |||
Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p3> ↔ Atásti | Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p3> ↔ Atásti | ||
xupá-s-Ø-ka=ni <nowiki>wash-prf-prs-1/2ind=1sg.sbj</nowiki> | xupá-s-Ø-ka=ni <nowiki>wash-prf-prs-1/2ind=1sg.sbj</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
xupá<v><prf><pres><sg><sbj><p1> ↔ xupáskani | xupá<v><prf><pres><sg><sbj><p1> ↔ xupáskani | ||
xanó-s-Ø-ka=ni arrive-prf-prs-1/2ind=1sg.sbj | xanó-s-Ø-ka=ni arrive-prf-prs-1/2ind=1sg.sbj | ||
+ | |||
xanó<v><prf><pres><sg><sbj><p1> ↔ xanóskani | xanó<v><prf><pres><sg><sbj><p1> ↔ xanóskani | ||
Line 109: | Line 130: | ||
eró+ka-sha-ka | eró+ka-sha-ka | ||
+ | |||
<nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND</nowiki> | <nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
‘I / you / we / you(pl) are waiting’ | ‘I / you / we / you(pl) are waiting’ | ||
eró+ka-sha-ti | eró+ka-sha-ti | ||
+ | |||
wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND | wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND | ||
+ | |||
‘He/they are waiting’ | ‘He/they are waiting’ | ||
Line 119: | Line 144: | ||
eró+ka-sha-ka=ni | eró+ka-sha-ka=ni | ||
+ | |||
<nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=1SG</nowiki> | <nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=1SG</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
‘I am waiting’ | ‘I am waiting’ | ||
eró+ka-sha-ka=ri | eró+ka-sha-ka=ri | ||
+ | |||
<nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=2SG</nowiki> | <nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=2SG</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
‘You are waiting’ | ‘You are waiting’ | ||
+ | |||
eró+ka-sha-ti | eró+ka-sha-ti | ||
+ | |||
wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND | wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND | ||
+ | |||
‘He/they are waiting’ | ‘He/they are waiting’ | ||
eró+ka-sha-ka=tsï | eró+ka-sha-ka=tsï | ||
+ | |||
<nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=2PL</nowiki> | <nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=2PL</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
‘You (pl) are waiting’ | ‘You (pl) are waiting’ | ||
eró+ka-sha-ka=ksï | eró+ka-sha-ka=ksï | ||
+ | |||
<nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=1PL</nowiki> | <nowiki>wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=1PL</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
‘We are waiting’ | ‘We are waiting’ | ||
eró+ka-sha-ti=ksï | eró+ka-sha-ti=ksï | ||
+ | |||
wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND=3PL | wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND=3PL | ||
+ | |||
‘They are waiting’ | ‘They are waiting’ | ||
Line 177: | Line 215: | ||
Examples: | Examples: | ||
+ | |||
í atá-s-∅-ti inté-ni | í atá-s-∅-ti inté-ni | ||
+ | |||
this strike<prf><prs><p3><ind> that<obj> | this strike<prf><prs><p3><ind> that<obj> | ||
+ | |||
'This (one) struck that (one).' | 'This (one) struck that (one).' | ||
ts'ïmá atá-s-∅-ti inté-ni | ts'ïmá atá-s-∅-ti inté-ni | ||
+ | |||
those strike<prf><prs><p3><ind> that<obj> | those strike<prf><prs><p3><ind> that<obj> | ||
+ | |||
'Those struck that (one).' | 'Those struck that (one).' | ||
ihtsï iámindu juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti | ihtsï iámindu juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti | ||
+ | |||
DEM.PL all hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND | DEM.PL all hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND | ||
+ | |||
‘All these hills are sown (with corn)’ | ‘All these hills are sown (with corn)’ | ||
<nowiki>*ihtsï maru juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti</nowiki> | <nowiki>*ihtsï maru juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti</nowiki> | ||
+ | |||
DEM.PL some hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND | DEM.PL some hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND | ||
ihtsï tanímu juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti | ihtsï tanímu juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti | ||
+ | |||
DEM.PL three hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND | DEM.PL three hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND | ||
+ | |||
‘These three hills are sown (with corn)’ | ‘These three hills are sown (with corn)’ | ||
Line 201: | Line 249: | ||
Three Systems: | Three Systems: | ||
+ | |||
* k'waní-k'waní-ta-n (to throw up repeatedly) -- an aspectual system | * k'waní-k'waní-ta-n (to throw up repeatedly) -- an aspectual system | ||
* meré-meré-hku-n (to be very brilliant) -- modal system | * meré-meré-hku-n (to be very brilliant) -- modal system | ||
Line 207: | Line 256: | ||
Examples: | Examples: | ||
− | učú-učú-hku-ndi-n (to smell of fish, sex, or carrion) -- spatial suffix (oral and facial, involves smell) | + | * učú-učú-hku-ndi-n (to smell of fish, sex, or carrion) -- spatial suffix (oral and facial, involves smell) |
− | opó-opó-k-haśi (swollen (of the entire body)) -- the roots may be followed by one of six consonants and the stativizing suffix -hási ‘class, type of’, as in opó- ‘large, round’ | + | * opó-opó-k-haśi (swollen (of the entire body)) -- the roots may be followed by one of six consonants and the stativizing suffix -hási ‘class, type of’, as in opó- ‘large, round’ |
− | kwená-hku-n (to lick upward (as of fire)) -- roots are followed by intransitivizing -hku | + | * kwená-hku-n (to lick upward (as of fire)) -- roots are followed by intransitivizing -hku |
− | wá-wá-kuri-n (to be missing one’s teeth, leaves, etc.) -- reflexive theme | + | * wá-wá-kuri-n (to be missing one’s teeth, leaves, etc.) -- reflexive theme |
− | arí-arí-ta-n (to give advice) -- yield a transitive theme | + | * arí-arí-ta-n (to give advice) -- yield a transitive theme |
− | yará-yará-c-ka-pa-n (to go about urinating on oneself) -- lexical/spatial suffix value of ‘bottom’ | + | * yará-yará-c-ka-pa-n (to go about urinating on oneself) -- lexical/spatial suffix value of ‘bottom’ |
− | šún-šún-á-pi-ti (very green) -- only first CV is reduplicated | + | * šún-šún-á-pi-ti (very green) -- only first CV is reduplicated |
− | tíks-tíks-á-ni-n (to beat of fright) -- cavity/thorax spatial suffix | + | * tíks-tíks-á-ni-n (to beat of fright) -- cavity/thorax spatial suffix |
Revision as of 21:29, 7 March 2021
Purépechan Grammar
Contents
Parts of Speech
Nouns
Singular
These forms take no further nominal morphology apart from the appropriate case markers, such as the objective -ni or the plural marker -cha.
wari<n><sg> (woman)
kurú<n><sg> (fish)
anátapu<n><sg> (tree)
Plural
Irrespective of their formation method, nouns are pluralised with the suffix -echa, -icha, or -cha (depending on the variety).
wari<n><pl> ↔ wariecha (women)
kurú<n><pl> ↔ kurūcha (fishes)
anátapu<n><pl> ↔ anátapuicha (trees)
Case
In Purépecha, the nominative case (unmarked) is a coding property of subjects, while the suffix -ni is the case marker for objects, both in monotransitive and ditransitive constructions.
ganádu<n><pl><obj> ↔ ganáduni (cattle)
kurú<n><pl><obj> ↔ kurúchani (fish)
yurhíri<n><sg><obj> ↔ yurhírini (blood)
Verbs
Purépechan is a very agglutinative language, meaning that the words in the language are made by stringing together morphemes. A large portion of the agglutination happens in the verbs. Adding suffixes to the words can help users express locative, directional, causative, voice/valency, desiderative, adverbial, third person plural object, aspect, tense, irrealis, mood, and person and number. A few examples we:
kw’i<v><pres><sub><p1><sg> ↔ kw’ixakani
kw’i<v><pres><ass><p1><sg> ↔ kw’ixakani
eshé<v><pprs><pres><1/2ind><p1><sg> ↔ eshéshakani
jwá<v><perf><past><3ind> ↔ jwáspti
Roots and Agents
The suffix-nominalising suffix, most frequently -kwa (-ka in some varieties) as in pire-kwa; -ri, the most common nominalising suffix, generally refers to an agent, as in pire-ri 'singer'.
pire<inf> (to sing)
pire<n><sg> ↔ pirekwa (song)
pire<n><sg> ↔ pireri (singer)
Aspect
Aspect and tense markers are the same for all persons, but the indicative mood morpheme changes from -ka for the 1st and 2nd person to -ti for the 3rd person. Aspect co-occurs with tense and mood.
yontki wanta-na-xïn-an-ti juchari anapu
before speak-PASS-HAB-PST-3.ASS 1PL.POSS language
'Before, our language was spoken.'
ximpóka xuchá/María t’iré-s-p-ka ya
because 1pl/Maria eat-prf-pst-sbjv already
‘ . . . because we have already eaten/Maria has already eaten.’
éka t’ú/tumpí-icha xanó-∅-p-ka ya
when 2sg/boy-pl arrive-prf-pst-sbjv already
‘ . . . when you had already arrived/the boys had already arrived.’
Irrealis
ni-a-ti go-IRR-3SG (He will go)
ni<v><irr><p3><sg> ↔ niati
ewa-a-a-ka remove-3PL.O-IRR-1/2.ASS ('I will remove them.')
ewa<v><3PL.O><irr><ass><p1><sg> ↔ ewaaaka
Mood
Purépecha the verbal inflection only distinguishes the person features of the subject in the indicative mood. The indicative verbal forms must be inflected in agreement with the grammatical subject: if the subject is 1st or 2nd person, the verb is marked with -ka; if it is 3rd person, then the marker is -ti. In contrast with the interrogative/clarificational inflection, marked with -∅ or -ki for all persons, and the subjunctive mood, marked with -ka regardless of the person of the subject.
Indicative | nothing |
Interrogative | Ø or ki suffix |
Subjunctive | ka suffix |
Atá-s-Ø-ka strike-prf-prs-1/2ind
Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p1> ↔ Atáska
Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p2> ↔ Atáska
Atá<v><prf><pres><ind><p3> ↔ Atásti
xupá-s-Ø-ka=ni wash-prf-prs-1/2ind=1sg.sbj
xupá<v><prf><pres><sg><sbj><p1> ↔ xupáskani
xanó-s-Ø-ka=ni arrive-prf-prs-1/2ind=1sg.sbj
xanó<v><prf><pres><sg><sbj><p1> ↔ xanóskani
The object suffix -a is considered a 3rd person plural marker, which, according to some authors, has a pronominal or agreement value.
Person and Number
Aspect and tense markers are the same for all persons, but the indicative mood morpheme changes from -ka for the 1st and 2nd person to -ti for the 3rd person.
eró+ka-sha-ka
wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND
‘I / you / we / you(pl) are waiting’
eró+ka-sha-ti
wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND
‘He/they are waiting’
If one wishes to be more specific about the subject number, a set of clitics can be optionally attached to the inflected verb:
eró+ka-sha-ka=ni
wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=1SG
‘I am waiting’
eró+ka-sha-ka=ri
wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=2SG
‘You are waiting’
eró+ka-sha-ti
wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND
‘He/they are waiting’
eró+ka-sha-ka=tsï
wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=2PL
‘You (pl) are waiting’
eró+ka-sha-ka=ksï
wait+FOR-PROGR-1/2IND=1PL
‘We are waiting’
eró+ka-sha-ti=ksï
wait+FOR-PROGR-3IND=3PL
‘They are waiting’
Others
Determinants or Determiners
Purépecha does not have a definite determiner like English "the" or Spanish "el/los." Among the most common demonstratives are the singular forms í 'this', inté 'that (visible to the speaker)', and imá 'that (not visible to the speaker)', as well as the corresponding plural forms ts'ï 'these', ts'ïmí 'those', and ts'ïmá 'those'.
iámindu | 'all' |
máru | 'some' |
imá | 'that' (not visible to the speaker) |
í | 'this' |
inté | 'that' (visible to the speaker) |
ts'ï | 'these' |
ts'ïmí | 'those' |
ts'ïmá | 'those' |
Examples:
í atá-s-∅-ti inté-ni
this strike<prf><prs><p3><ind> that<obj>
'This (one) struck that (one).'
ts'ïmá atá-s-∅-ti inté-ni
those strike<prf><prs><p3><ind> that<obj>
'Those struck that (one).'
ihtsï iámindu juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti
DEM.PL all hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND
‘All these hills are sown (with corn)’
*ihtsï maru juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti
DEM.PL some hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND
ihtsï tanímu juát-icha júkska-kata jarha-h-ti
DEM.PL three hill-PL sow-PPLE be-PFVE-3IND
‘These three hills are sown (with corn)’
Reduplication
Reduplication is an available but limited morphological process. Single vowel roots and some CV roots such as pá- (carry) are not reduplicated. About 70 roots never occur unreduplicated (niní-n (to ripen)). About a dozen reduplicate only the first syllable. In general, practically any root can stand either alone or reduplicated.
Three Systems:
- k'waní-k'waní-ta-n (to throw up repeatedly) -- an aspectual system
- meré-meré-hku-n (to be very brilliant) -- modal system
- p'uní-p'uní-hku-n (to blow off all over (as when dusting)) -- locative system
Examples:
- učú-učú-hku-ndi-n (to smell of fish, sex, or carrion) -- spatial suffix (oral and facial, involves smell)
- opó-opó-k-haśi (swollen (of the entire body)) -- the roots may be followed by one of six consonants and the stativizing suffix -hási ‘class, type of’, as in opó- ‘large, round’
- kwená-hku-n (to lick upward (as of fire)) -- roots are followed by intransitivizing -hku
- wá-wá-kuri-n (to be missing one’s teeth, leaves, etc.) -- reflexive theme
- arí-arí-ta-n (to give advice) -- yield a transitive theme
- yará-yará-c-ka-pa-n (to go about urinating on oneself) -- lexical/spatial suffix value of ‘bottom’
- šún-šún-á-pi-ti (very green) -- only first CV is reduplicated
- tíks-tíks-á-ni-n (to beat of fright) -- cavity/thorax spatial suffix